Navajo Nation Contract-Based Assumption of BIA Handbooks
Revised December 12, 2025
Navajo Nation Has Performed BIA Contracted Duties for 50 Years
On Jan 4, 1975, Congress enacted PL 93-638 Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act (ISDEAA) which ended the federal policy of termination and commenced a policy of tribal self-determination. It allowed tribes to enter “PL93-638 contracts” under Title I of the ISDEAA. The misinformation about such contracts is that they enable self-determination. They do not. The “638 Contracts” merely allow tribes to assume operation of BIA programs nearly in the manner operated by the federal gov’t. These restrictive contracts were intended to be of limited duration in order for the contracting tribe to test its ability to manage funds and duties. Once this ability is shown, a tribe may apply for far more flexible “self-governance compacts” under Title IV of the ISDEAA.
Under Title I (638 contracts), the tribe acts as an agent or contractor of the federal government, largely bound by BIA (federal) policies, manuals, and handbooks. This is often termed Self-Determination. Under Title IV Compacts (Self-Governance), the tribe enters into a government-to-government agreement and generally replaces the federal rules (manuals/handbooks) with tribal laws and policies, demonstrating a higher degree of Self-Governance and sovereignty.
The Navajo Nation was one of the first “638 contract” tribes, signing 638 contracts on a program-by-program basis–in 1976 for judicial, education, social services and tribal govt support; in 1979 for health, police, and water resource management, and numerous 638 contracts for other programs since then. Today, 638 contracts fund in whole or part nearly all tribal governmental programs and are worth between $250 million – $1 billion. (Amounts aggregated across all contracts are not reported).
The Navajo Nation is highly dependent on 638 contracts to fund most of its centrally-managed operations. Essentially hamstrung by these contracts to fund itself, the tribe’s sharp focus for 50 years has been on surviving annual audits and being funded for future cycles. The community consensus view, without fully understanding the contract burdens, is that Window Rock is near-obsessive about audit compliance to the exclusion even of services. This may also be the reason behind Window Rock’s reluctance to disentangle from the albatross-like 3-branch governmental structure borrowed from the federal governing system in 1989 for temporary use, but which has become near permanent due to the perception that such a federal-based system supports federal-based duties.
638 Contracts, while intended to be a transitional bridge to self-governance, have instead created a state of dependency and administrative dysfunction that actively impedes the goal of true self-determination for the Navajo Nation.
Limitations of “638 Contracts”
- Federal delegated trust responsibility duties under federal oversight. Merely assumes operation of federal programs nearly in the manner operated by fed govt. Federal trust responsibilities are defined by the 1868 Navajo Treaty, federal statutes, and Executive Orders which are then set forth in Indian Affairs regulations, policy statements, instructions, handbooks, or manuals minutely addressing the discharge of the Department of Interior’s trust responsibilities and invariably attached to program-specific 638 contracts signed by the tribe.
- Must perform under BIA Navajo Region oversight under contract-specified federal law, including Indian Affairs Handbooks. Contracts attach federal manuals and Indian affairs handbooks which must be followed by the contracting tribe, and are annually reviewed and overseen by the contracting federal agency (by and large, the BIA Navajo Region oversees Navajo Nation contracting governmental programs, also HUD (housing authorities) and HHS (Indian Health Service)). Where non-conflicting, contracts also incorporate tribal laws by reference. Under 638 contracting, the administrative goal is compliance with the handbooks, forcing programmatic silos to focus on and satisfy individual contract requirements. (On the other hand, Title IV self-governance compacts–which needs 3 years of clean audit across all programs–has the administrative goal of self-governance. Title IV compacting allows for the unified, efficient structure able to support and emphasize services and local governance that the Diné people envision, as the audit focuses on the tribe’s internal governance rather than minute contract adherence).
- Intensive resource-consuming individual program contracting. Labor-intensive program-by-program annual contracting that create “silo” tribal programs. The program-by-program contracting process under Title I creates programmatic silos, preventing unified, efficient, and integrated service delivery that the Diné people need.
- Single Audit with Detailed & Frequent Monitoring. Routine monitoring for compliance for annual review with negotiated quarterly or interim financial reports have made the Navajo Nation appear obsessive about compliance. Additionally, all contracting programs need to pass a “clean audit” under the Single Audit Act for the tribe to pass its annual audit.
Special Note:- There are two parts of the Single Audit Act–a financial statement and a detailed audit for federal award compliance. The financial statement audit covers the entity as a whole, but the detailed compliance audit is targeted at the use of the Federal funds in the entity’s Major Programs. It is not expected to audit every non-Federal aspect of every project or program unless those non-Federal aspects have a direct and material impact on the Federal awards.
- This structure ought to provide a cost-effective and organization-wide audit, satisfying the requirements of all Federal agencies that provide funding to the entity, instead of requiring multiple, program-specific audits. However, because the Navajo Nation has numerous and diverse 638 programs funded across multiple Federal agencies, most within DOI but also HUD and HHS, it is required to undergo the Single Audit, which must, in turn, audit the Nation’s Major Programs for compliance. The intensive resource-consuming individual program contracting under Title I makes managing the compliance for the resulting multitude of Major Programs exceptionally difficult and audit-prone.
- The requirement for dozens of separate contracts to pass a “clean audit” annually under the Single Audit Act has created a “crazed labyrinth,” forcing the Navajo Nation’s central government (“Window Rock”) to focus on compliance over services.
- No reallocation or carryover. Funds must all be spent annually and cannot be reallocated, invested, or carried over.
- Intended to be transitional. 638 contracts are intended only as a brief transitional bridge towards Self-governance Compacts.
- Undue pressure on chapters. Even though chapters have been defined as “political subdivisions” that do not perform 638 contract duties and are not independently subject to federal Single Audit Act requirements for major programs receiving federal funds, the tribe has imposed highly restrictive accounting processes on Chapters primarily because the Navajo Nation central government is the prime federal contractor for the 638 funds. There appears to be two central government views of chapters in its role as prime 638 contractor:
- Chapters are potential subrecipients of federal project awards. If a chapter receives a federal award e.g. for a capital project like ARPA or roads, the Chapter becomes a subrecipient. Under federal Uniform Guidance, the Nation is legally responsible for monitoring how the subrecipient spends the awarded federal funds; and
- Tribal government, as prime 638 contractor, believes that more, not less centralization of project oversight and management powers will solve its audit issues. In spite of decades-long promises for local governance, tribal central government sees decentralization as out of reach in reality due to the sheer diversity and lack of discipline of the 110 chapters. In a kind of “game over” calculus, on Dec 29, 2022, the Resource and Development Committee of the Navajo Nation Council enacted RDCD-43-22 which made extreme amendments to the plan of operations of the Division of Community Development (DCD) effectively removing all project oversight and management powers from chapters and centralizing them in DCD, which is itself a major 638 program. The centralization of oversight via RDCD-43-22 forces chapters to adhere to 638 contract standards, not because the chapter is a federal contractor, but because the Nation believes it needs to protect itself from audit findings due to chapter noncompliance across all funds. This is the albatross: the inability of the central government to trust its own political subdivisions to meet the federal contractor’s burden. Subjected to 638 accounting rigidity and forced to entirely resolve every discrepancy with no discretion to decide which are worth attention, chapters spend hours explaining small discrepancies at public meetings with no power to self-assess “materiality” under the Single Audit Act. As of December 3, 2025, most capital projects at chapters are logjammed, apparently waiting on signatures from centralized oversight including the DCD and the Chapter Unit of the Navajo Nation Dept of Justice.
Ancestral Humility
We frequently convene to discuss what can be done to restore a self-governing system that will truly work for the Diné people. For this we need to understand the system in place and engage in a discussion that respects our culture and discuss as our elders requested. We hope to have a dialog that leads us to the benefit of our great grandchildren, that will enable return to ancestral humility and matriarchal ways. It may seem that discussing the systems imposed by the federal government runs counter to such a discussion. It is for our children 102 years from now, what some call the Seventh Generation, that we ask you all to become involved in communally designing an implementable self-governance.
Dream of Self-Governance – Step 2: Compacts
638 Contracts are enabled in 1975 through Title I of the ISDEAA (PL 93-638). The Navajo Nation was among the very first 638 contracting tribes in January, 1976.
In 1988, PL 100-472 added Title III, allowing selected “mature tribes” to transition to Self-Governance Compacts under a demonstration project. Unlike 638 contracts which require performance of federal duties nearly in the manner of the federal government with tight oversight by the BIA and severe funding restrictions, compacting tribes receive block grants whose funds are easily reallocable, invested, and carried forward without seeking outside approval. Compacting tribes freely design and consolidate their programs to include non-BIA functions. E.g. Tlingit compacts in Alaska are able to include non-tribal members in healthcare, and pursue restorative justice consolidations across multiple programs rooted in tribal culture and principles. The Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development has found that tribal nations that exercise self-determination through ISDEAA compacts show significantly better economic and social outcomes.
20 tribes were selected for the pilot, but the Navajo Nation was not among them, for many reasons. Following violent political unrest in July 1989, the Navajo Nation government in Window Rock hastily established a foreign governmental structure in December 1989 for “temporary use” (in place now for 36 years) which has deeply complicated its functions. The size and complexity of the Navajo Nation (geographically and systemically), and the need for every contracting program to pass a clean audit for 3 consecutive years are also high bars. Stuck now for decades in structure and functions, the Navajo Nation has a profound poverty rate of 35.8% of households, more than double the United States average.
Of the initial 20 tribes in the ISDEAA Title III demonstration project, 7 successfully transitioned to permanent self-governance compacts. In 1994, the ISDEAA was amended once more to include permanent self-governance compacts for all tribes under Title IV. The Navajo Nation has never publicly discussed self-governance compacts. In 1994, the Navajo Nation had requested $1.5 million to plan for transition, but received far less than that amount. Navajo Nation does authorize indirect healthcare compacts through tribal organizations.
A Selection of Current 638 Contracts
Below is an incomplete selection of recent Navajo Nation Council Resolutions approving Navajo Nation-BIA 638 contracts. The Annual Funding Amount (AFA) is the annual funding received by each contracting Navajo Nation program. NOTE: Each resolution sets forth terms of the contract, incorporating or attaching the regulations, policies, handbooks and laws that must be followed by the contracting Navajo Nation program.
Navajo Nation Division of Natural Resources
- NABIN-53-25 (Nov 2025) – Fish & Wildlife AFA $251,996
- NABIN-54-25 (Nov 2025) – Natural Heritage AFA $284,166
- NABIMA-04-23 (Mar 2023) – Fish Hatchery Modernization & Upgrade Project (one-time construction award) $3,000,015
- NABIN-58-24 (Dec 2024) – Wheatfields Lake Recreation Area – Design & Engineering (Term Not specified) $617,615
- NABID-66-24 (Dec 2024) – Safety of Dams (Water Resources) (3 yrs) AFA $622,400
- NABID-65-24 (Dec 2024) – Water Monitoring & Inventory Program (5 yrs) AFA $261,922
Navajo Nation Division of Public Safety
- NABIO-51-25 (Oct 2025) – Criminal Investigation (5 yrs) AFA $4,486,926
- NABIO-50-25 (Oct 2025) – Patrol Services (5 yrs) AFA $21,906,759
- NABIN-46-23 (Nov 2023) Emergency Medical Services (EMS) (6 yrs) AFA $14,223,823.92
Navajo Agricultural Products Industry INAPI)
- NABIS-44-25 (Sept 2025) – Farming-related operations (5 yrs) AFA $9,663,851
Navajo Nation Division for Children and Family Services
- NABIJN-33-25 (June 2025) $68,722,886 over 5 years (2024-29) under PL102-477 “477 Plan” workforce dev pilot under PL93-638
- PENDING Navajo Treatment Centers (5 yrs) AFA $6,569,261
Navajo Nation Dept of Dine Education
- NABIN-49-23 (Nov 2023) – Johnson O’Malley (JOM) Program (3 yrs) AFA $3,865,997
Navajo Nation Division of Community Development
- NABID-64-24 (Dec 2024) – Housing Improvement Program (HIP) (3 yrs) AFA $2,201,242
Navajo Nation Division of Human Resources
- NABIJA-03-25 (Jan 2025) – Office of Vital Records (3 yrs) AFA $1,015,435
- NABID-68-24 (Dec 2024) – to fund DOH Office of ED, Division of Behavioral Health and Mental Health Services, Division of Public Health Services, Community Health Representative Program, Infectious Diseases Control and Prevention Program, Health Education Program, Public Health Nursing Program, Office of Environmental Health and Protection Program (10 yrs) AFA (Funding Amount Unspecified)
Key differences between Contracts and Compacts
The core difference lies in the shift from being a federal agent/contractor to exercising true government-to-government self-governance.
| 638 CONTRACTS | SELF-GOVERNANCE (TIT IV) COMPACTS | |
1. | DOI Entity | Office of Self-Governance which implements self-governance compacts for all DOI agencies | |
2. | Eligible tribal entities and application requirements | Tribes or tribal organizations (recognized governing body of a Tribe or a tribally affiliated organization). Tribes and tribal organizations submit requests to DOI for approval | Tribes or tribal consortia (group of Tribes). Tribes and tribal consortia submit requests to DOI, complete a planning phase, and demonstrate financial capacity by already managing a 638 contract (three years of clean audits) |
3. | Administrative goals | Compliance with Indian Affairs Handbooks. Forces programmatic silos to satisfy individual contract requirements. | Self-Governance. Allows for the unified, efficient structure able to support and emphasize services and local governance that the Diné people envision, as the audit focuses on the tribe’s internal governance rather than minute contract adherence. |
4. | Programs, Services, Functions or Activities (PSFAs) | PSFAs that BIA otherwise would provide to Tribes or tribal citizens or would operate for their benefit. Tribes assume operation of federal programs nearly in the manner operated by fed govt. | PSFAs from non-BIA agencies at DOI may be included in the design if the PSFAs hold “special geographic, historical, or cultural significance“ |
5. | Flexibilities | Tribes and tribal organizations need DOI approval for any substantial changes. Contracts are program-specific–tribes must request a contract for each program individually. Tribes must follow federal procedures, standards, and reporting requirements. BIA retains significant approval and audit authority. Tribes may consolidate two or more 638 contracts into a single contract only after programs are considered “mature” i.e. continuously operated for 3 years with clean audits. 25 U.S.C. § 5321(a)(3) provides: “Upon the request of a tribal organization that operates two or more mature self-determination contracts, those contracts may be consolidated into one single contract.” | Tribes and tribal consortia may generally redesign or consolidate PSFAs, and reallocate funding, without DOI approval.. Once approved, tribes have near-autonomous control with streamlined reporting. Tribes receive a multi-year block grant towards integrated governmental spending. Funding easily reallocable between programs, able to be carried over and reinvested to add to tribal wealth, able to be inter-woven with other funds for innovations that may include non-BIA or purely tribal functions. Highly flexible, integrated and innovative; tribes can redesign programs, consolidate services, and easily shift funding to priorities like cultural integration or community needs. Some examples:
|
6. | Rule Waivers | Only specific non-statutory requirements can be waived. | Tribes can request waivers of federal regulations to adapt to tribal values |
7. | Audit Requirements & Key Audit Differences | Must comply with the Single Audit Act (31 U.S.C. Chapter 75) and its implementing regulations, which is currently the Uniform Guidance (2 CFR Part 200, Subpart F). Monitoring:
| Must comply with the Single Audit Act (31 U.S.C. Chapter 75) and its implementing regulations, which is currently the Uniform Guidance (2 CFR Part 200, Subpart F). Monitoring:
|
Reference: Murray, Mariel. Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act (ISDEAA) and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. CRS 2021.
Note on audit reform for ISDEAA tribes: A report issued by the House Subcommittee on Indigenous Peoples of the United States. (2024). Advancing Tribal Self-Determination: Examining Bureau of Indian Affairs’ 638 Contracting (HHRG-118-II24)(March 6, 2024) recommended as follows: “Considering the role audits play in a tribe’s plan to enter into a self-governance contract or compact, Congress could consider pursuing a Cooperative Audit Resolution and Oversight Initiative (CAROI) system, such as the one first put in place by the Department of Education in 1999. CAROI was expanded to all federal agencies as a way to engage all stakeholders in a cooperative audit process and produce better outcomes. However, it does not explicitly apply to self-determination contracts or self-governance compacts, which has created uncertainty for some tribes. Congress could consider explicitly applying CAROI or other cooperative audit resolution processes to assist in building tribal capacity through the audit process.”
The Audit Trap – Chasing After the Clean Audit
Services directly provided by the BIA to the Navajo Nation are provided under the oversight of a single BIA Navajo Region Director who allocates a single, pre-approved Congressional appropriation internally across its multiple programs, not unlike how Title IV compacts would be managed by a tribe. The same BIA Navajo Region Director oversees and monitors Navajo Nation 638 contracted programs. In order to reach the goal of compacting, the Navajo Nation must pass 3 years of clean audit across all its contracting programs. The Navajo Nation is trying to manage dozens of separate pots of contract money, each tied to external, non-negotiable BIA rules. The tribe’s chase after a clean audit via what has been described as a “crazed labyrinth” is a feature of the Title I contracting model that the Nation must use until it is fiscally stable and prepared to negotiate the greater flexibility and autonomy of Title IV Self-Governance.
On December 5, 2025, the Navajo Nation Council issued a press release via facebook entitled Budget and Finance Committee hears Fiscal Year 2024 single audit report from KPMG LLP outlining 24 findings across 19 Navajo Nation programs that receive 638 and other federal funding, stating “Eight major programs received qualified audit opinions due to noncompliance with federal requirements. Repeat findings centered on procurement documentation failures, missing cost price analyses, inadequate eligibility tracking, subrecipient monitoring lapses, and incomplete reporting. The audit also noted systemic accounting challenges, including untrue fringe benefit rates, errors in cost allocations, delayed bank reconciliations, and untimely federal reports.” (Note: the Navajo Nation’s “other federal funding” (e.g., FEMA, DOE, ARPA, etc.) adds significantly to the audit burden).
The audit failures are the biggest current obstacle to making that very necessary transition from 638 contracting to Title IV compacts.
A proposal for permanent accountability-focused reforms currently being shopped by the Office of Navajo Government Development, as well as legislation being discussed by the Navajo Nation Council, accept the current fractured system of siloed contracts and federal oversight, and furthermore seem to further accept a need to centralize oversight of these silos without integrating services or involving the community.
E.g. as described above in “Limitations,” on Dec 29, 2022, the Resource and Development Committee of the Navajo Nation Council enacted RDCD-43-22 which made extreme amendments to the plan of operations of the Division of Community Development (DCD) effectively removing all project oversight and management powers from chapters and centralizing them in DCD, itself a major 638 program. This was done very quietly, with no statement or explanation of how this legislation impacts the Local Self-Governance Act at Title 26 of the Navajo Nation Code, which promises chapter autonomy. Title 26 is not mentioned in the DCD plan of operations amendments. This raises fundamental questions regarding statutory interpretation and whether an amendment to a plan of operations can implicitly nullify the Nation’s established Local Self-Governance Law.
The current system fundamentally clashes with the Navajo people’s integrated and holistic cultural view of community well-being (K’é and Hózhó). The difficulty in accessing services is a direct consequence of the administrative burdens. The most creative and effective way for the Navajo Nation to consolidate programming and provide genuinely integrated services involves a strategy with three simultaneous tracks: Legal/Structural, Administrative, and Cultural/Chapter. Such tracked solutions need the Diné people to be informed, engaged, and be the primary drivers of solutions that will work for them now and for future generations.
The sole finding for reform cannot be the need to impose measures to obtain 3 years of clean audits. Other findings are necessary for community wellness, including how the 638 contracting method is performing in keeping familial units intact, supporting the Diné Life Way and language, and allowing future generations to live and raise their families on Diné bikeyah. The focus HAS to shift from auditor questions to Diné sovereignty questions.
Some basic findings need to be made:
- Do the Diné people understand the workings of their government? 638 contract funds are not included in Navajo Nation budget reports. Do the Diné people understand how broadly dependent Navajo Nation government programs are on 638 contracting and what this means by way of tribal sovereignty? Is the information, and the methods of providing the information sufficiently clear and easily understood, as a whole, to allow the Diné people to participate in informed engagement?
- What are the Navajo Nation’s goals in chasing the clean audit? Is the aim of the chase after clean audits merely to prevent the BIA from taking back the contracted programs, or is the aim a transition to Title IV self-governance compacts; if so what is the vision of self-governance once Title IV compacting is obtained?
- How have 50 years of 638 programs impacted Diné cultural community life? Communities frequently complain that their tribal government behaves as if it serves Washington, not their local communities. Diné cultural and community practices at the local level, including land use, are practiced against numerous federal regulations designed to protect assets, not to help local cultural life thrive. Can the rising social problems, environmental damage, loss of language/culture on the reservation be traced to the reliance on 638 programs? Formalizing knowledge of the impacts is necessary to convert community anecdotes into actionable evidence.
- What kind of government and services do the Diné people want? At every chapter meeting across the reservation, there is consensus for integration of services and decentralization–local autonomy over local affairs including local land use and land resources, and services that do not need multiple applications and sign-in sheets at siloed programs. This anecdotal consensus is well-known yet never formalized into findings that underpin governmental reform. In its October 18, 2024 approved Diné bi Nahat’á-Diné preferences for Navajo Government report, ONGD stated: “Many individuals walked up to the ONGD canopy to voice their concerns and grievances with the Navajo Nation government . . . ONGD listened, but did not record the conversations with individuals out in the field.” (p. 17). Instead, the individuals were referred to brief survey questions, including 3 check-off choices for chapter reform: empower chapters, combine chapters, no chapters (p.14).
- What measures do communities expect from their leaders, including how they want their leaders to manage and supersede the political pressures of the 638 contract system, especially on the service side? If the goal is self-governing compacts, the means of gaining sovereignty (clean audits) cannot merely be achieved through a process (Title I fragmentation) that ultimately undermines genuine sovereignty and community well-being.
- Have chapters and communities been allowed to participate? Only through broad community help can the resource-strapped tribal government properly include the people’s participation in creating a government of their choice as mandated by CD-68-89 (Title 2 Amendments). The paternalistic, even defensive, attitude of Navajo Nation government to find a clean audit fix at all costs result in reliance on outside consultants calling for urgent corrective measures at the expense of the required community participation.
- What is the vision for 102 years from now, or what is also called the Seventh Generation? The clean audit chase must not be a hamster wheel without a vision. The Seventh Generation Principle is an ancient Iroquois philosophy that requires leaders to consider the impact of their decisions on the next seven generations, a framework for long-term thinking. The Seventh Generation prophecy speaks of a time, roughly seven generations after European contact, when Indigenous peoples would rise to heal the Earth and their cultures, bringing unity and wisdom to a world broken by materialism. Envisioning our families 102 years from now on Diné Bikeyah — the theme of a 2023 forum based on the art of the people — means stepping up and taking responsibility. It means already knowing what is valuable for our families that ought to be in place 102 years from now, which is a Diné lifetime. Resolving the vision is Diné Sovereignty.